SOMALIA: A NEVERENDING TRAGEDY

There exist, in the world, places in which nothing ever seems to happen. These blissful, sleepy Gardens of Eden are therefore generally ignored by the international media unless a natural disaster or an unexpected political upheaval brings them briefly into the limelight. Other places, instead, receive more attention than they appear to deserve – the case of Zimbabwe comes to mind – principally because of past ties with Colonial powers who are perhaps driven by a feeling of guilt towards their wayward heir.
In this context it is difficult to understand why Somalia receives only sporadic attention, concentrated mainly on the issue of piracy, while events inside that unhappy Country are often glossed over and seldom, if ever, the subject of informed analysis, except for unwarranted and uninformed expressions of fear and hostility on the subject of the Islamic Courts, These, instead, should be given careful and objective consideration, and should be called upon to play a role in the future of Somalia.
The last concerted international attempt to halt civil unrest in Somalia and to create the framework for a credible system of Government took place in Kenya (first in Eldoret, then in Mbagathi) between 2001 and 2004. I was part of that process, representing Italy which, as the former colonial power, was called upon to play a very significant role, although the actual negotiations were left to a selected group of Somali leaders (the so-called “War Lords”), and led by Kenya with the support of Somalia’s neighbours, Ethiopia and Djibouti.
The negotiations were long, complex and often frustrating, but at the end a Federal Constitution was agreed upon and a transitional Federal Government was selected.
It was quite evident, quite soon after the end of the Peace Conference, that the success of the negotiations was only apparent and that after all those months, little had been accomplished in the aim of restoring confidence and normality in Somalia.
In the course of the Conference I began to spot some essential flaws, but was unable to persuade my fellow observers on the validity of my doubts.
Above all, I was amazed at the almost hostile indifference shown to the Islamic delegates, with whom I, instead, had frequent and extremely instructive meetings: it is a sad fact that, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11, the very word “Islamic” caused phobic, almost knee-jerk reactions in many western observers. In reality, the people I met with were men and women of considerable integrity and moderate views, displaying no overt signs of being “anti-Western”. They had not been able to eliminate but they had largely softened the problems arising from clan rivalry, and thus felt that they would be in a better position than a heterogeneous coalition of “War Lords” to pacify the Country and lead it on a path of normalisation and the restoration of law and order.
The second issue which alarmed me was the gaining momentum of international support for the candidature of Abdullahi Yussuf to the Presidency of Somalia, particularly because of his close and longstanding ties with Ethiopia. By this I mean no disrespect for the President, who is a man of intelligence, culture and wisdom, or for Ethiopia, an amazingly interesting and very pleasant Country heir to one of the world’s most ancient civilisations.
Many of the Somali participants at the Conference, however, did attempt to point out that Abdullahi Yussuf belonged to the “wrong” clan, and would have great difficulty establishing his power base in the Capital, Mogadiscio – in fact, he currently operates from Baioda, to the north, in his home region of Puntland. They also objected strongly to his ties with Ethiopia which, rightly or wrongly, is seen by most Somalis as their traditional enemy. It is a fact that the presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia seems to have exacerbated rather than placated the situation.
An indication of the basic validity of these objectio0ns can also be found in president Yussuf’s decision to resign in coincidence with the withdrawal of the Ethiopian troops. Who most probably also had the task to protect him and his position.
Fresh attempts should urgently be undertaken by the International Community to try to find a solution to the Somali problems, but this time the Islamic Courts should be given a significant role in the negotiations, without, of course, ignoring the interests and preoccupations of Ethiopia and other interested parties. It is my belief that only the involvement of a movement which seems able to get close to the local populations and has proven its capability in ensuring stability can provide the right formula and bring together people who, after all, are united by their strong religious faith.